Skip to main content
Issues

Jewish Self-Determination

The historical, legal, and practical case for Jewish self-determination, alongside the equal civil and national rights of Palestinians.

Jews are a people, not only a faith. Like other peoples, they have a right to govern themselves in their historic home. OZJF sees Israel as the modern form of that right. This case rests on history, ties to the land, modern statecraft, and the cost of having no state. No one must approve every Israeli government to accept that case. Palestinian national rights still matter.

What self-determination means

Article 1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights says that all peoples have the right to self-rule. That rule does not settle each fight over borders or state power. It also does not rank one national claim above another. It sets a basic standard. Self-rule cannot be a right for some peoples but not for Jews.

Jewish life includes a shared faith, but it is more than a faith. Jews also share history, culture, texts, languages, and ties to the Land of Israel. The case for Jewish self-rule can stand on history and politics. No claim from God is needed.

Why statelessness matters to the argument

Jewish communities built rich and lasting lives in many countries. They also faced exile, harsh laws, mob attacks, and forced moves. The Holocaust was the worst case. The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum records that Nazi Germany, its allies, and its partners killed six million Jews.

That history does not put Israel above criticism or settle other claims to the land. It does show why many Jews see a state as a real safeguard, not just a symbol. A Jewish state can offer refuge and defense. A small and exposed group in another country may not be able to do so.

Pew Research Center’s 2025 report puts Jews at about 0.2 percent of the world’s people. Size does not decide a people’s rights. That small share helps explain why refuge and shared safety remain urgent.

The United Nations did not create the Jewish tie to the land. It did add to the modern record on statehood. In November 1947, the General Assembly adopted Resolution 181 (II). It called for an Arab state and a Jewish state in Mandatory Palestine. Jerusalem would have a special status. The plan did not take effect as written, and war followed. Even so, the vote remains a key part of the world record on partition.

Israel declared independence on May 14, 1948. The Israel State Archives calls that declaration the state’s founding text. It promises “complete equality of social and political rights” without regard to faith, race, or sex. The Office of the State Comptroller treats that promise as a basis for holding the state to account.

That promise is part of the case for Israel. It is not an extra. Jewish self-rule does not mean that only Jews have rights. A Jewish state still owes equal civil and political rights to every citizen.

What the claim does not settle

Past abuse of Jews does not shield Israel from law or moral review. Jewish history also does not erase Palestinian loss, flight, or national hopes. The claim here is narrower. Jews should not be denied the same right to self-rule that other peoples claim.

Hard disputes remain. They include borders, settlements, safety, refugees, and a Palestinian state. We should face those issues on their merits. We should not start by calling Jewish national life alone unfit to exist.

What OZJF defends

OZJF defends Jewish self-rule in the historic Jewish homeland. We can hold that view and still criticize Israeli policy. We can defend equal rights and affirm Palestinian national rights.

The hard question is how both peoples can exercise their rights. Any sound answer must include safety, leaders who answer to the public, and mutual respect.