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United Arab Emirates: Lobbying and Influence in the United States

United Arab Emirates: Lobbying and Influence in the United States

The UAE matters because it is a major U.S. partner with a current, multi-firm FARA-disclosed influence footprint that extends from Congress to public diplomacy.

The United Arab Emirates is a major U.S. defense and trade partner with an extensive registered influence operation in Washington. Current FARA filings show several firms working across congressional relations, public diplomacy, media, trade, and security policy.

A partnership tied to current policy decisions

CRS’s May 21, 2025 report RS21852 describes the UAE as a U.S.-designated “major defense partner.” It hosts U.S. military personnel, buys large volumes of U.S. defense equipment, and reached about $34 billion in bilateral trade in 2024. CRS also says the UAE maintained diplomatic relations with Israel after October 7, 2023. That means Emirati influence in Washington attaches to live questions: defense cooperation, Gulf security, technology and trade, Gaza diplomacy, and the future of the Abraham Accords.

A current, multi-firm filing record

The DOJ FARA record shows an active UAE influence footprint across more than one firm, not a single embassy filing. As of April 20, 2026, Akin Gump’s FARA page for registration no. 3492 shows a supplemental statement filed on January 30, 2026. It also shows Emirati informational materials filed on January 13, 2026. FGS Global’s page for registration no. 5666 shows a supplemental statement filed on March 16, 2026 and UAE-related exhibit filings for both the embassy and the Permanent Mission to the United Nations. Gilliland & McKinney’s March 3, 2026 informational materials say they were distributed on behalf of the embassy and as a consultant to Akin Gump.

The filings do not capture every Emirati relationship or show that each firm has equal importance. They do establish an active, multi-layered operation documented through 2026.

What the firms are paid to do

The filings show a hybrid influence program that mixes legal advocacy, Hill monitoring, media work, and reputation management.

In a supplemental statement filed on February 6, 2025, Akin Gump said that during the reporting period it advised the embassy on foreign policy and trade issues. The filing lists work on the Abraham Accords, sanctions and export controls, bilateral military and security matters, cybersecurity, and “U.S. Congressional matters” such as relationship building, legislative monitoring, and analysis of potential legal ramifications. That filing reported $3,254,295.81 in receipts from the embassy for the period ending December 31, 2024.

FGS Global’s April 8, 2024 Exhibit AB is even more explicit about the communications side. The contract says FGS would run a U.S. public-diplomacy and communications program for the UAE embassy. It says the work would influence U.S. policy on trade, geopolitical, and cultural issues, reach policymakers and opinion leaders, and conduct outreach to media, think tanks, trade groups, business leaders, issue experts, and academics. The same filing put the program on a $5.3 million annual retainer, billed in monthly installments of $441,666.67.

FGS’s March 3, 2025 supplemental statement shows how that looks in practice. It said FGS provided communications and strategic counsel to the UAE mission at the United Nations on public-affairs matters. It also said the firm provided the embassy with public-relations and communications counsel that included scheduling meetings and briefings for embassy staff with business people, academics, public-policy groups, and media. The same filing reported $2,867,797.95 in receipts tied to the embassy during the reporting period ending January 31, 2025. It also said payment from the UN mission was still forthcoming.

The Barrack prosecution and acquittal

The public record also includes a high-profile case that readers should handle carefully. In July 2021, DOJ announced charges against Thomas Barrack, Matthew Grimes, and Rashid Al Malik. DOJ alleged they acted as agents of the UAE without required registration. DOJ’s description of the indictment said Barrack allegedly inserted pro-UAE language into a campaign speech, sent a draft to a coconspirator for delivery to senior UAE officials, and sought talking points from senior UAE officials before public appearances.

The outcome is equally important. DOJ’s FARA “Recent Cases” page states that Barrack was acquitted in November 2022. The indictment shows what prosecutors alleged, while the acquittal means it cannot be cited as proof that he acted as an unregistered UAE agent.

What the filings cannot tell us

FARA does not establish that the UAE is uniquely active or that registered work is illegal. It cannot measure private persuasion that falls outside registration or reveal which meeting changed a vote. Claims about think-tank funding, campaign relationships, and other soft-power channels may rest on serious reporting, but they cannot be added to a FARA total without comparable documentation.

What the record establishes

The UAE maintains a current, professional influence and public-diplomacy operation reaching Congress, media, policy organizations, and diplomatic audiences. The evidence is strongest when the registered activity, criminal allegations, and final court outcomes remain separate.

Sources used on this page

  • CRS report RS21852, The United Arab Emirates (UAE): Issues for U.S. Policy (updated May 21, 2025): PDF
  • DOJ FARA registrant page for Akin Gump / registration no. 3492: efile.fara.gov
  • Akin Gump supplemental statement filed February 6, 2025: PDF
  • DOJ FARA registrant page for FGS Global / registration no. 5666: efile.fara.gov
  • FGS Global Exhibit AB filed April 8, 2024: PDF
  • FGS Global supplemental statement filed March 3, 2025: PDF
  • Gilliland & McKinney informational materials filed March 3, 2026: PDF
  • DOJ press release on Barrack indictment: justice.gov
  • DOJ FARA Recent Cases page: justice.gov